U.S. intelligence activities in Chile: Difference between revisions

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====Intelligence analysis====
====Intelligence analysis====
The Intelligence Community’s analytic assessment of the prospects for a coup in 1970, for example, was that “military action is impossible” because the Army was too deeply committed to the Constitution and unwilling to oust the civilian government.  The DCI stated that the Agency was being asked to do the impossible.  A senior CIA officer said the idea of undermining an Allende victory was “unrealistic.”  National Intelligence Estimates produced between 1969 and 1973 reflected declining confidence over time that Allende would be able to subvert Chile’s constitutional order.  In addition, in the period preceding the successful coup against Allende, CIA officers were concerned about the blurring of lines between monitoring coup-plotting—collecting intelligence on such activities but not directing or influencing them—and supporting a coup at least implicitly.<ref name=CIA-Chile />
The Intelligence Community’s analytic assessment of the prospects for a coup in 1970, for example, was that “military action is impossible” because the Army was too deeply committed to the Constitution and unwilling to oust the civilian government.  The DCI stated that the Agency was being asked to do the impossible.  A senior CIA officer said the idea of undermining an Allende victory was “unrealistic.”  National Intelligence Estimates produced between 1969 and 1973 reflected declining confidence over time that Allende would be able to subvert Chile’s constitutional order.  In addition, in the period preceding the successful coup against Allende, CIA officers were concerned about the blurring of lines between monitoring coup-plotting—collecting intelligence on such activities but not directing or influencing them—and supporting a coup at least implicitly.<ref name=CIA-Chile />
According to the Church Committee, "A July 1970 NIE," which is not clearly the 1970 mentioned above, "raised the question of what an Allende victory would mean to Chile and the United States. The NIE occasioned considerable disagreement within the Washington community. The disagreement reflected a division between the Department of State on one side and the U.S. Ambassador and the CIA Station on the other. The latter position was that an Allende victory would mean the gradual imposition of a classic Marxist-Leninist regime in Chile.
Again with some lack of clarity about whether there were one or more 1970 NIEs, the Church Committee said that one NIE predicted "that an Allende administration would proceed as rapidly as possible toward the establishment of a Marxist-Socialist state. It would be a Chilean version of a Soviet-style East European Communist state. The intelligence community predicted that although democracy was likely to survive in Chile over the next two or three years, Allende could take Chile a long way down the Marxist-Socialist road during the six years of his administration. To do this, however, he would have to surmount some very important obstacles, such as Chile's security forces, the Christian Democratic Party, some elements of organized labor, the Congress, and the Catholic Church. The NIE noted that Allende undoubtedly expected progress on basic bread and butter issues which would afford him an apportunity to secure control of the Congress in the 1973 election and thereby enable him to impose a socialist state of the Marxist variety by the vía pacífica ("peaceful road")."
====Covert action====
====Covert action====


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===Chile 1971===
===Chile 1971===
====Intelligence analysis====
====Intelligence analysis====
an August 1971 National Intelligence Estimate -nine months after Allende took power- maintained that the government was attempting to dominate the press but commented that El Mercurio had managed to retain its independence. Yet one month later the 40 Committee voted $700,000 to keep El Mercurio afloat. And CIA documents in 1973 acknowledge that El Mercurio and, to a 1esser extent, the papers belonging to opposition political parties, were the only publications under pressure from the government.<ref name=Church>{{citation
an August 1971 National Intelligence Estimate -nine months after Allende took power- maintained that the government was attempting to dominate the press but commented that El Mercurio had managed to retain its independence. The NIE stated that the consolidation of Marxist political leadership in Chile was not inevitable and that Allende had a long, hard way to go to achieve this. The NIE warned, however, that although Allende would almost certainly prefer to adhere to constitutional means, he was likely to be impelled to use political techniques of increasingly dubious legality to perpetuate his coalition and power. Up to that point, the NIE observed, Allende had taken great care to observe constitutional forms and was enjoying considerable popularity in Chile.
====Covert action====
One month later the 40 Committee voted $700,000 to keep El Mercurio afloat. And CIA documents in 1973 acknowledge that El Mercurio and, to a 1esser extent, the papers belonging to opposition political parties, were the only publications under pressure from the government.<ref name=Church>{{citation
  | url = http://foia.state.gov/reports/churchreport.asp
  | url = http://foia.state.gov/reports/churchreport.asp
  | title = Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973 [Church Commitee Report]]
  | title = Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973 [Church Commitee Report]]
  | author = Staff, Select Committee To Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence  
  | author = Staff, Select Committee To Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence  
  | date = December 18, 1975}}</ref>
  | date = December 18, 1975}}</ref>
===Chile 1972===
====Intelligence analysis====
A June 1972 NIE, according to the Church Committee, saw prospects for the continuation of democracy in Chile as better than at any time since Allende's inauguration. The NIE stated that the traditional political system in Chile continued to demonstrate remarkable resiliency.


===Chile 1973===
===Chile 1973===

Revision as of 21:25, 24 May 2008

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This editable Main Article is under development and subject to a disclaimer.
For more information, see: CIA activities in the Americas.

The CIA World Factbook focuses on relatively recent political history:Prior to the coming of the Spanish in the 16th century, northern Chile was under Inca rule while Araucanian Indians (also known as Mapuches) inhabited central and southern Chile. Although Chile declared its independence in 1810, decisive victory over the Spanish was not achieved until 1818. In the War of the Pacific (1879-83), Chile defeated Peru and Bolivia and won its present northern regions. It was not until the 1880s that the Araucanian Indians were completely subjugated. A three-year-old Marxist government of Salvador ALLENDE was overthrown in 1973 by a military coup led by Augusto PINOCHET, who ruled until a freely elected president was installed in 1990. Sound economic policies, maintained consistently since the 1980s, have contributed to steady growth, reduced poverty rates by over half, and have helped secure the country's commitment to democratic and representative government. Chile has increasingly assumed regional and international leadership roles befitting its status as a stable, democratic nation.

Economic

[1]

General CIA reference

Specific activities

The CIA, led by the National Intelligence Council, filed an informative report in response to requirements of Section 311 of the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000 (Hinchey Amendment). Reviewed were relevant CIA records of the period predominantly from recent document searches; Congressional reports about US activities in Chile in the 1960s and 1970s; memoirs of key figures, including Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger; CIA’s oral history collection at the Center for the Study of Intelligence; and consulted with retired intelligence officers who were directly involved. From this information, a retrospective report about CIA activities in Chile was written. [2]

Some general observations of the report pertained to the historical context. "Efforts by the United States to support anti-Communist forces in Chile date back to the late 1950s and reflect the rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union for influence throughout the Third World. The growing strength of the Chilean left, along with continuing fragmentation by conservative and moderate political forces, became increasing concerns ... which wanted to avoid the emergence of “another Cuba” in the Western Hemisphere. "

Chile 1962

In 1962, the 5412 Panel Special Group, responsible for covert action oversight, gave the CIA authority to carry out covert action projects in support of the Chilean Radical Party and the Christian Democratic Party (PDC). ... A secondary purpose of these programs was to support efforts to split the Socialist Party. At the request of the US Ambassador in Chile, with the support of the Department of State, [2]

Chile 1963

A one-time covert payment to the Democratic Front, a coalition of three moderate to conservative parties, was authorized, in December, by the 5412 Group. This payment would help the Front in the upcoming 1964 Presidential election.[2] The document has conflicting information if this happened in in 1963 or 1964.

Chile 1964

A propaganda and political action program for the upcoming September 1964 Presidential election. was approved by the 5412 group in April. In May, the "303 Committee", named for its meetings in Room 303 of the Executive Office Building, reacted to the dissolution of the Democratic Front by approving covert funding to the Radical Party.

The Christian Democrat Party of Chile candidate Eduardo Frei Montalva won the election, and Salvador Allende lost.

Chile 1965

On 5 February 1965, the 303 Committee approved a new covert action campaign intended to support selected candidates for Congressional elections on 7 March. The Ambassador was aware of the program and cooperated with it; it was considered a success and was terminated on 30 June.

Chile 1966

In 1965-66, previous propaganda efforts were merged, and the CIA established a covert action project to support the placement of propaganda in Chilean mass media. This project was to influence public opinion against leftist parties and candidates. [2]

Chile 1967

The scope of CIA’s propaganda activities in Chile was further expanded in 1967, to promote “anti-Communist” themes, specifically against the Soviet Bloc presence in the country.[2] The Chilean left, however, continued to make gains during the Frei Administration.

Chile 1968

In July 1968, the 303 Committee approved a political action program to support individual moderate candidates running in the 1969 Congressional elections. [2]

Chile 1969

"As a result of 1968 propaganda activities, in 1969 the “40 Committee” (successor to the 303 Committee) approved the establishment of a propaganda workshop, and directed CIA to carry out “spoiling operations” to prevent an Allende victory."[2]

Chile 1970

On September 4, 1970 Salvador Allende gained presidency of Chile after four elections and became the first socialist to be elected in the Western Hemisphere in the 20th century.

Intelligence analysis

The Intelligence Community’s analytic assessment of the prospects for a coup in 1970, for example, was that “military action is impossible” because the Army was too deeply committed to the Constitution and unwilling to oust the civilian government. The DCI stated that the Agency was being asked to do the impossible. A senior CIA officer said the idea of undermining an Allende victory was “unrealistic.” National Intelligence Estimates produced between 1969 and 1973 reflected declining confidence over time that Allende would be able to subvert Chile’s constitutional order. In addition, in the period preceding the successful coup against Allende, CIA officers were concerned about the blurring of lines between monitoring coup-plotting—collecting intelligence on such activities but not directing or influencing them—and supporting a coup at least implicitly.[2]

According to the Church Committee, "A July 1970 NIE," which is not clearly the 1970 mentioned above, "raised the question of what an Allende victory would mean to Chile and the United States. The NIE occasioned considerable disagreement within the Washington community. The disagreement reflected a division between the Department of State on one side and the U.S. Ambassador and the CIA Station on the other. The latter position was that an Allende victory would mean the gradual imposition of a classic Marxist-Leninist regime in Chile.

Again with some lack of clarity about whether there were one or more 1970 NIEs, the Church Committee said that one NIE predicted "that an Allende administration would proceed as rapidly as possible toward the establishment of a Marxist-Socialist state. It would be a Chilean version of a Soviet-style East European Communist state. The intelligence community predicted that although democracy was likely to survive in Chile over the next two or three years, Allende could take Chile a long way down the Marxist-Socialist road during the six years of his administration. To do this, however, he would have to surmount some very important obstacles, such as Chile's security forces, the Christian Democratic Party, some elements of organized labor, the Congress, and the Catholic Church. The NIE noted that Allende undoubtedly expected progress on basic bread and butter issues which would afford him an apportunity to secure control of the Congress in the 1973 election and thereby enable him to impose a socialist state of the Marxist variety by the vía pacífica ("peaceful road")."

Covert action

Soon after, President Richard Nixon ordered a covert operation, Project FUBELT, to undermine Allende's government and promote a military coup in Chile. Under the supervision of Thomas Karamessines, a special task force was established and led by David Atlee Phillips.[3] $10,000,000 was authorized of which $8,000,000 was spent.

The CIA developed a two-track plan for Chile. "Track I" was meant to prevent Allende from qualifying for office, under a Chilean requirement for a Congressional runoff election for a candidate, such as Allende, who did not win an absolute majority. "Track II" involved instigating a coup preventing him from taking office.

Track I redirection

After he was in office, the 40 Committee approved the redirection of “Track I” operations that—combined with a renewed effort to support the PDC in 1971 and a project to provide support to the National Party and Democratic Radical Party in 1972—funneled millions of dollars to strengthen opposition political parties. CIA also provided assistance to militant right-wing groups to undermine the President and create a tense environment.

Track II actions

After the Chilean Congress confirmed Allende as President, CIA worked with three groups of coup plotters, all of whom believed that of Army Commander Rene Schneider, who felt deeply that the Constitution required that the Army allow Allende to assume power, would have to be kidnapped--killing, according to the investigators, was not planned by the CIA or any plotters. CIA dropped support for one group as extremists, and provided tear gas, submachine-guns and ammunition to the second group. The third group attempted to kidnap Schneider, mortally wounding him in the attack.

After Schneider was attacked, CIA withdrew support for the third group, which it did not think capable of carrying out a coup.

Chile 1971

Intelligence analysis

an August 1971 National Intelligence Estimate -nine months after Allende took power- maintained that the government was attempting to dominate the press but commented that El Mercurio had managed to retain its independence. The NIE stated that the consolidation of Marxist political leadership in Chile was not inevitable and that Allende had a long, hard way to go to achieve this. The NIE warned, however, that although Allende would almost certainly prefer to adhere to constitutional means, he was likely to be impelled to use political techniques of increasingly dubious legality to perpetuate his coalition and power. Up to that point, the NIE observed, Allende had taken great care to observe constitutional forms and was enjoying considerable popularity in Chile.

Covert action

One month later the 40 Committee voted $700,000 to keep El Mercurio afloat. And CIA documents in 1973 acknowledge that El Mercurio and, to a 1esser extent, the papers belonging to opposition political parties, were the only publications under pressure from the government.[4]

Chile 1972

Intelligence analysis

A June 1972 NIE, according to the Church Committee, saw prospects for the continuation of democracy in Chile as better than at any time since Allende's inauguration. The NIE stated that the traditional political system in Chile continued to demonstrate remarkable resiliency.

Chile 1973

According to the Church Committee, "The CIA spent $1.5 million in support of El Mercurio, the country's largest newspaper and the most important channel for anti-Allende propaganda. According to CIA documents, these efforts played a significant role in setting the stage for the military coup..." [4]

On September 11, 1973 General Augusto Pinochet, who had commanded the Chilean Army for 19 days, executed a coup d'etat that overthrew Allende. While the U.S. investigation did not show that CIA instigated that coup, it did establish that the CIA field personnel were aware of the plotting and did not discourage it.

The report said " There was no way that anyone, including CIA, could have known that Allende would refuse the putchists’ offer of safe passage out of the country and that instead—with La Monedam Palace under bombardment from tanks and airplanes and in flames—would take his own life."[2] Exactly how Allende died is not considered a certainty of suicide or homicide by others.

CIA officers were aware of and reported to Washington, in 1973. that General Pinochet and the forces that overthrew the Allende Government were conducting a severe campaign against leftists and perceived political enemies in the early months after the coup. Activities of some security services portended a long-term effort to suppress opponents. [2]

Chile 1974

In January 1974, CIA officers and assets were tasked to report on human rights violations by the Chilean government.[2]

Chile 1975

Intelligence analysis

A 1975 National Intelligence Estimate stated that the Chilean armed forces were determined to oversee a prolonged political moratorium and to revamp the Chilean political system. The NIE stated that the Junta had established tight, authoritarian controls over political life in Chile which generally continued in effect. It had outlawed Marxist parties in Chile as well as other parties which had comprised Allende's coalition. In addition, the Christian Democratic and National parties had been placed in involuntary recess. These two parties were forbidden from engaging in political activity and restricted to purely housekeeping functions.[4]

Intelligence collection

Within a year after the coup, the CIA and other US Government agencies were aware of bilateral cooperation among regional intelligence services to track the activities of and, in at least a few cases, kill political opponents. This was the precursor to Operation Condor, an intelligence-sharing arrangement among Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay established in 1975. [2]

References

  1. Central Intelligence Agency, Chile, The World Factbook
  2. 2.00 2.01 2.02 2.03 2.04 2.05 2.06 2.07 2.08 2.09 2.10 2.11 National Intelligence Council (September 18, 2000), CIA Activities in Chile
  3. Chile and the United States: Declassified Documents relating to the Military Coup, 1970-1976. National Security Archives Online.
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 Staff, Select Committee To Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence (December 18, 1975), Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973 [Church Commitee Report]]