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| This article consists of: -<br>
| This article consists of: -<br>
the '''summary''' below;<br> a [[/Timelines|'''chronology''']] of main events;<br> notes on individual [[/Addendum#Arab national movements|'''national movements''']];<br> a '''catalogue of major [[/Catalogs|personalities]]''', and <br> notes on the '''[[/Addendum#The international response|international response]]'''.  
the summary below;<br> a chronology of [[/Timelines|'''links to current reports''']];<br>
notes on individual [[/Addendum#Arab national movements|'''national movements''']] and data on [[/Addendum#Democratic change|'''democratic change''']];<br>  
catalogues of  '''[[/Catalogs#Persona|personalities''']] and [[/Catalogs#Institutions|'''institutions''']]<br>
notes on the [[/Addendum#Civil war in Libya|'''civil war in Libya''']] and on [[/Addendum#National and international reactions|'''national and international reactions''']]. <br>
 
It was last updated  on 17 January 2013.  
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The term '''Arab Spring''' (also known as the "Arab Awakening") refers to the sequence of protest movements that started with the successful uprising in [[Tunisia]] that began in December 2010. The subsequent protest movements in other [[Arab]] countries were mainly motivated by a wish to put an end to what was perceived as government oppression, corruption and incompetence. They have led to the overthrow of existing regimes in Tunisia, [[Egypt]] and [[Libya]] and the initiation in those countries of transitional processes that are to include the election of representative assemblies and the adoption of new constitutions. Major protest movements  have also arisen in [[Syria]] and [[Yemen]], but they have so far been frustrated by violent resistance by their governments. The protest movements elsewhere in the Arab world have achieved little more than promises of minor reforms.
The term '''Arab Spring'''  refers to the sequence of protest movements that started [[/Addendum#Tunisia|in Tunisia]] in December 2010. The protests there, and subsequently  in other Arab countries, were intended to put an end to government oppression, corruption and incompetence. They have led to the overthrow of existing regimes and to the conduct of parliamentary elections [[/Addendum#Tunisia| in Tunisia]], [[/Addendum#Egypt|in Egypt]] and [[/Addendum#Libya| in Libya]]. The protest movement [[/Addendum#Syria|in Syria]] has developed into a civil war, and protest movements elsewhere in the Arab world have achieved little more than promises of minor reforms. Although  Islamist organisations played little or no part in  the popular protests, they tended to do well in the elections that followed - although to a varying extent. In Tunisia the elections resulted in the creation of a stable coalition government involving  secularists and moderate Islamists. In Egypt the electoral advantage went to the moderately Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, but there have been massive popular challenges to the legitimacy of the resulting administration. In Libya the elections resulted in the formation of a broadly liberal administration with no Muslim Brotherhood representation. In the two years following the first uprisings,  only minor progress has been made toward the establishment of effective representative government. Even in Tunisia, where the greatest advance has been achieved, the ability of the elected government to uphold human rights and political freedom has been hampered by the need to put an end to corruption and incompetence, especially in its  security services. In  Egypt  there is widespread  distrust of those in power. The Libyan government has yet to establish its supremacy over the various bands of armed militia that dominate several localities. Reform of their political, administrative, judicial and security institutions has a long way further  to go before any of the Arab Spring countries can become fully  democratic.


==Background: the Arab condition==
==Background: the Arab condition==
The political structures of the countries involved in the Arab uprisings have (with the exception of [[Lebanon]]) been categorised as "authoritarian" (with Syria, Libya and Saudi Arabia ranking among the 15 least democratic countries<ref>[http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy_Index_2010_web.pdf ''The Democracy Index 2010'', Economist Intelligence Unit]</ref>). Five of them have suffered unusually high levels of corruption (Morocco, Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Yemen appear among the upper half  in the ranking of Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index)
===Politics===
<ref name="CPI">''Corruption Perception :Index''[http://www.transparency.org/policy_research./surveys_indices/cpi/2010/in_detail]</ref>. Their populations are predominately ethnically Arab with small native [[Berber]] minorities. They include two mixed [[oil]] economies (Algeria and Libya); three oil economies (Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia); six diversified economies (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria and Tunisia); and one primary export economy (Yemen). The oil-producing countries of [[Oman]], Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Libya are among the world's more prosperous countries. The prosperity of each of the others is below, or well below the world average in terms of [[GDP]] per head, with Syria ranking 153rd out of a total of 228. According to an estimate based upon data from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia and Yemen, at least 19% of the Arab population lived below the [[poverty line]] at the end of the 1990s.<ref>[http://www.arab-api.org/cv/aali-cv/aali/wps0402.pdf Ali Abdel Gadir Ali: ''Poverty in the Arab Region: A Selective Review'', (Background paper prepared for the IFPRI / API Collaborative Research Project on: ''Public Policy and Poverty Reduction in the Arab Region''.)  page 26]</ref>
Before the uprisings, the political structures of nearly all of the countries involved had  been categorised as authoritarian (with Syria, Libya and Saudi Arabia ranking among the 15 least democratic countries<ref>[http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy_Index_2010_web.pdf ''The Democracy Index 2010'', Economist Intelligence Unit]</ref>), and the governments of five of them have been categorised as exceptionally corrupt (Morocco, Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Yemen appeared among the upper half  in the ranking of Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index)
<ref name="CPI">''Corruption Perception :Index''[http://www.transparency.org/policy_research./surveys_indices/cpi/2010/in_detail]</ref>. Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, and Yemen allowed  political parties to compete in elections.  Tunisia excluded religiously-affiliated parties. Islamist parties were banned in Egypt, but the nominally illegal Muslim Brotherhood had  fielded candidates  as independents. Syria allowed  only Ba'ath Party candidates Yemen allowed  political parties but they were banned in Bahrain and Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Independent candidates were permitted in  in Oman and the UAE.  Saudi Arabia did  not hold legislative elections
 
===Economics===
According to the staff of the [[International Monetary Fund]] many of the Arab  economies were characterised by "stifling economic regulations, state involvement in production and employment, a private sector based on privilege rather than competitiveness, generalized price subsidies instead of targeted social protection, and an educational system that no longer delivers on the expectations of students or their potential employers". Unemployment rates were generally among the highest in the world and youth unemployment rates range from 21 percent in Lebanon to 30 percent in Tunisia<ref name=imf>[http://www.imf.org/external/np/g8/pdf/052711.pdf ''Economic Transformation in MENA: Delivering on the Promise of Shared Prosperity'', - a report prepared for the G8 Summit of 26 May 2011 by Staff of the International Monetary Fund]</ref>. At least 19% of the population lived below the [[poverty line]] at the end of the 1990s according to an estimate based upon data from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia and Yemen,.<ref>[http://www.arab-api.org/cv/aali-cv/aali/wps0402.pdf Ali Abdel Gadir Ali: ''Poverty in the Arab Region: A Selective Review'', (Background paper prepared for the IFPRI / API Collaborative Research Project on: ''Public Policy and Poverty Reduction in the Arab Region''.)  page 26]</ref>.<br>
Oil production had accounted for more than 20 percent of 2004 GDP in Libya (63), Oman and Saudi Arabia (42), Algeria (38), Yemen (32), Bahrain (28) and Syria (21). In Egypt the percentage was 12 and in Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia it was less than 4.
<ref>[http://www.ofid.org/publications/PDF/ofid_pam34.pdf Majid Al-Moneef: ''The Contribution of the Oil Sector to Arab Economic Development'', IMF 2006]</ref>.  The oil-producing countries of Oman, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Libya had been among the world's more prosperous countries, but the prosperity of each of the others had been below, or well below the world average in terms of [[GDP]] per head, with Syria ranking 153rd out of a total of 228


==The development of national protest movements==
==Arab protest movements==
The violent mass protest movements in Tunisia and Egypt succeeded within a few months in the overthrow of their existing regimes and, as noted below, the same was acheived, with the assistance of [[NATO]], in Libya after eight months of civil war.  The governments of Morocco, Algeria, Jordan and Oman responded to more limited protests with  promises of political and constitutional reform. Saudi Arabia's administration sought to avoid confrontation  by announcing a major programme of infrastructure investment, and its forces were used to suppress dissent in [[Bahrain]]. In  [[Yemen]] and  Syria, however, continuing protests are being frustrated by violent military opposition.<br>'' More detailed accounts of [[/Addendum#Arab national movements|Arab national movements]] are available on the addendum subpage.''
(country links are to country-by-country accounts on the [[/Addendum|addendum subpage]])


==Civil war in Libya==
Following the successful uprising in [[/Addendum|Tunisia]], there were mass protests of differing intensity in eleven other Arab countries. There were also wide differences  in the responses to popular demands for change by the governments of those countries. The governments of [[/Addendum|Bahrain]], [[/Addendum|Libya]], [[/Addendum|Syria]] and [[/Addendum|Yemen]] responded with armed attacks on the demonstrators. The governments of [[/Addendum|Algeria]], [[/Addendum|Jordan]], [[/Addendum|Morocco]], [[/Addendum|Oman]] and [[/Addendum|Saudi Arabia]] offered changes of governance that have so far had little effect. The governments of [[/Addendum|Egypt]] and [[/Addendum|Tunisia]] yielded promptly to demands for regime change, and regime change was forced upon Libya by the military defeat of its incumbent regime. Democratic elections have been held in Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia, but it was only in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia that the elected assemblies were empowered to create new constitutions.
In mid-February 2011, government forces opened fire on demonstrators in the Libyan second city of [[Benghazi]]. A bitter conflict ensued in which the rebels took control of the city. The government responded with an aerial bombardment that caused thousands of casualties. There was international outrage at the brutality of its actions and, on 18th March, the [[United Nations Security Council]] responded to the [[Arab League]]'s request for the imposition of a [[no-fly zone]] with a resolution that authorised member states to ''to take all necessary measures to protect civilians under threat of attack''. In the course of the following week, air attacks by [[United States of America|US]], [[United Kingdom|British]] and [[France|French]] aircraft destroyed the Libyan air force. In the following months there developed a civil war between government forces based in [[Tripoli]] in the west of Libya and rebel forces based in Benghazi in the east. After six months of fighting, rebel forces entered Tripoli, the principal remaining government-held city.
Libya’s [[Interim National Transitional Council]],
<ref>[http://www.ntclibya.org/english/about/ ''The Libyan Interim National Council'' (official website)].</ref> was recognised  as the country’s legitimate government, by the United States in July, and subsequently by most other countries.  With the fall of Tripoli, the National Transition Council moved from Benghazi to Tripoli on August 26. Fierce  fighting continued  after the fall of Tripoli, however,  until the fall of the remaining government-held  town of Sirte and the killing of [[Muammar Gaddafi|Colonel Gaddafi]] in October 2011.


==International reactions==
==Political change==
There is no evidence of non-Arab influences upon the Arab Spring uprisings, and every indication that they came as a sudden surprise to all who were not directly involved. (Among the explanations for the rapid spread of the protest movement from its origin in Tunis, [[Amnesty International]] has suggested that the leaks of candid diplomatic cables by the whistleblower organization [[WikiLeaks]] served as a trigger for the uprising.<ref name=TheGuardian2011-05-13>
There was a modest move  toward  democracy during the first year of the Arab Spring (according to the Economist Intelligence Unit[http://pages.eiu.com/rs/eiu2/images/EIU_Democracy_Index_Dec2011.pdf] and Freedom House[http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-aggregate-and-subcategory-scores]), with a major [[/Addendum#Tunisia|improvement in Tunisia]], modest [[/Addendum#Libya|improvements in Libya]] [[/Addendum#Egypt|and Egypt]],  setbacks in Syria and Bahrain, and little change elsewhere. Constitutional changes that are to be introduced in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt may result in further improvements. The establishment of democratic constitutions will depend upon the negotiation of compromises between the wishes of Islamists and [[Secularism|secularists]] such as will gain the approval of voters in their respective countries. A central issue is likely to be the rôle of [[sharia]] in the countries' legal systems. Possibilities range from its use only for the purpose of voluntary mediation, to its adoption as an obligatory code of behaviour such as that imposed by the [[Taliban]]
{{cite news
<ref>[http://www.cfr.org/religion/islam-governing-under-sharia/p8034 Toni Johnson and Lauren Vriens: ''Islam: Governing Under Sharia'', Council of Foreign Relations, October 24, 2011]</ref><ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/beliefs/sharia_1.shtml ''Sharia'', BBC Religions, 3 September 2009]</ref>.
| url        = http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/13/amnesty-international-wikileaks-arab-spring
| title      = Amnesty International hails WikiLeaks and Guardian as Arab spring 'catalysts'
| publisher  = The Guardian
| author      = Peter Walker
| date        = 2011-05-13
| page        =
| accessdate = 2011-08-20
| quote      =
}}  
</ref>)
There were supportive reactions from many western governments, however, and in May, the [[G8]] countries promised $20bn (£12bn) of loans and aid to Tunisia and Egypt over the following two years and suggested more would be available if the countries continued on the path to democracy. However, there was no support for active participation until the news of Libyan air force attacks upon the areas held by rebels. Expressions of condemnation were followed by calls for protective action.
The main support for  military intervention came from the governments of the United States, France and Britain, but a crucial factor was an Arab League recommendation to the United Nations for a no-fly zone. The Libya resolutions 1970 and 1973 that were subsequently passed by the Security Council have been described as "the most wide-ranging that it had passed for more than 20 years". <ref>[http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/270611lyall_grant.pdf. Mark Lyall-Grant: ''Is there an Arab Summer? The UN’s Response to the Arab Spring'', Chatam House, 27 June 2011]]</ref>


The [[European Union#The European Council|European Council]] later declared its commitment to "the full implementation" of Security Council Resolutions,<ref>[http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/es/article_11150_es.htm ''EU Council conclusions on Libya'', Europa, 20 June 2011]</ref> but there was also opposition to military intervention, even from within the [[European Union]]. There was opposition by [[Germany]] <ref>[http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE73004520110401 ''Military no cure for Libya crisis: German foreign minister'', Reuters, Apr 1, 2011]</ref> and reluctant participation by [[Italy]].<ref>[http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7660KV20110707 Lamine Chikhi: ''Italy's Berlusconi exposes NATO rifts over Libya'', Reuters, July 7, 2011]</ref> Among other reactions was the condemnation of the UN resolution on Libya as comparable to "medieval calls for crusades" by [[Russia]]n Prime Minister [[Vladimir Putin]] (repudiated, however, by President [[Dmitry Medvedev]]<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12825717 ''Russia's Vladimir Putin denies Libya rift with Medvedev'', BBC News, 22 March 2011]</ref>). NATO air strikes were also condemned by the governments of [[China]],<ref>[http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/21/us-china-libya-idUSTRE72K0LX20110321 Chris Buckley: ''China intensifies condemnation of Libya air strikes'', Reuters, March 21, 2011]</ref> [[Venezuela]] and [[Cuba]].<ref>[http://news.sky.com/home/world-news/article/15956749 ''Cuba And Venezuela Condemn Libya Strikes'', Sky News, March 21 2011]</ref>
==Reconstruction==
Reconstruction is considered to be a matter of some urgency because of the danger of further uprisings if conditions do not improve. According to a May 2011 report by the staff of the [[International Monetary Fund]],<ref name=imf/> a substantial increase in economic growth rates will be needed, to achieve which the oil-importing countries will need external finance of at least $160 billion. The report recommended international support in the form of market access, credit guarantees, debt relief, and concessional lending. Provision for such support by means of the [[/Addendum#The Deauville Partnership|Deauville Partnership]] has since been agreed by the [[Group of Eight]] major industrialised countries; and an ''Arab Financing Facility for Infrastructure'' (AFFI)<ref>[http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/finance/fm110910-deauville-mena-en.html ''Joint Declaration of the International Financial Institutions'', G8 Information Centre, September 10, 2011]</ref> has been created to supply  the necessary external finance.


Libya's National Transition Council has been recognised as the legitimate government of Libya by the United States, France, Britain and (according to Libya TV) by 20 African countries,<ref>[http://english.libya.tv/2011/08/26/au-fails-to-recognise-ntc/ ''AU fails to recognise NTC'', Libya TV 26 August 2011]</ref> although not by the [[African Union]] as a whole.
The IMF expects  the Middle East and North Africa region to grow by 4.2 per cent in 2012 and 3.7 per cent in 2013<ref>[http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2012/01/pdf/text.pdf ''World Economic Outlook'', IMF 2012]</ref>.


==Political and constitutional change==
==Non-Arab repercussions==
While there is little evidence that any of the protest movements had a predominately [[religion|religious]] motivation, it is likely that religious organisations and their opponents will influence the political and constitutional changes that are to follow [[Secularism|Secularist]] groups are set to be opposed by a spectrum of religiously motivated groups who are referred to collectively as [[Islamist]]s, but in none of the Arab Spring countries is there anything in the nature of a single, coordinated, secularist or Islamist movement. In Tunisia, however, one  moderate Islamist party has enough support to assure it of victory over its fragmented opponents.<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-15309152 ''Q&A: Tunisia elections'', BBC News 11 October 2011]</ref>. The dominant Islamist party in Egypt is the ''Freedom and Justice Party''<ref>[http://egyptelections.carnegieendowment.org/2011/09/22/al-hurriyya-wa-al-%E2%80%98adala-freedom-and-justice-party ''Al-Hurriyya wa al-‘Adala (Freedom and Justice Party)'', Carnegie Endowment. 2011]</ref> that advocates a Supreme Constitutional Court to oversee legislation in order to ensure its compatibility with Islamic principles of justice. It is a member of the ''Democratic Alliance'' group of Islamist and non-Islamist parties<ref>[http://egyptelections.carnegieendowment.org/2011/09/26/the-democratic-alliance ''Democratic Alliance'', Carnegie Institute, October 2011]</ref>.
===Mali===


==Projected outcomes==
==The international response==
A May 2011 assessment by the Economist Intelligence Unit put the most probable outcome as the creation of functioning democracies in Tunisia and Egypt, together with some relaxations of [[authoritarianism]] in the other Arab countries. Much lower probabilities were assigned to the equally likely outcomes of comprehensive maintenance of authoritarianism, or a widespread trend toward significant democratic accountability.<ref>[http://www.slideshare.net/economistintelligenceunit/eiu-report-spring-tidewill-the-arab-risings-yield-democracy-dictatorship-or-disorder ''Will the Arab risings yield democracy dictatorship or disorder?" EIU May 2011 White Paper]</ref> Neither the persistence of the Syrian and Yemeni protests, nor the ferocity of their armies' responses, were fully evident at that time. The [[BBC]]'s security correspondent, [[Frank Gardner]], has since reported that most analysts doubt that President [[/Catalogs#Bashir al-Assad|Assad]] of Syria can survive in the long term, although his prospects may be improved by misgivings about his possible successors.<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-14080126 Frank Gardner: ''Arab Spring: Where it is now and where it may be going'', BBC News 10 July 2011]</ref>
The killing of civilians by Arab Spring governments drew strong protests [[/Addendum#The United Nations|by the United Nations]] and adverse reports by its agencies. The Security Council's authorisation of military intervention had a decisive influence on the civil war in Libya, but the United Nations had little influence on events elsewhere in the Arab world. Military intervention in Libya was undertaken [[/Addendum#NATO|by NATO]] with decisive participation by the United States, France and Britain. In what was termed a [[/Addendum#USA|"new chapter in American diplomacy]the United States undertook to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy. There was a similar undertaking [[/Addendum#The European Union|by the European Union]], although there were internal policy differences concerning military intervention in Libya. Opposition to military intervention was expressed [[/Addendum#Russia|by Russia]] and [[/Addendum#China|by China]] but both countries have given formal recognition to Libya's [[National Transitional Council]]. An undertaking to provide financial and technical support to Arab Spring transition programmes has been given by the governments of the [[Group of Eight]] major industrialised countries in the form of the [[/Addendum#The Deauville Partnership|Deauville Partnership]].


==References==
==References==
{{reflist|2}}
{{reflist|2}}

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This editable, developed Main Article is subject to a disclaimer.
This article consists of: -

the summary below;
a chronology of links to current reports;
notes on individual national movements and data on democratic change;
catalogues of personalities and institutions
notes on the civil war in Libya and on national and international reactions.

It was last updated on 17 January 2013.

The term Arab Spring refers to the sequence of protest movements that started in Tunisia in December 2010. The protests there, and subsequently in other Arab countries, were intended to put an end to government oppression, corruption and incompetence. They have led to the overthrow of existing regimes and to the conduct of parliamentary elections in Tunisia, in Egypt and in Libya. The protest movement in Syria has developed into a civil war, and protest movements elsewhere in the Arab world have achieved little more than promises of minor reforms. Although Islamist organisations played little or no part in the popular protests, they tended to do well in the elections that followed - although to a varying extent. In Tunisia the elections resulted in the creation of a stable coalition government involving secularists and moderate Islamists. In Egypt the electoral advantage went to the moderately Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, but there have been massive popular challenges to the legitimacy of the resulting administration. In Libya the elections resulted in the formation of a broadly liberal administration with no Muslim Brotherhood representation. In the two years following the first uprisings, only minor progress has been made toward the establishment of effective representative government. Even in Tunisia, where the greatest advance has been achieved, the ability of the elected government to uphold human rights and political freedom has been hampered by the need to put an end to corruption and incompetence, especially in its security services. In Egypt there is widespread distrust of those in power. The Libyan government has yet to establish its supremacy over the various bands of armed militia that dominate several localities. Reform of their political, administrative, judicial and security institutions has a long way further to go before any of the Arab Spring countries can become fully democratic.

Background: the Arab condition

Politics

Before the uprisings, the political structures of nearly all of the countries involved had been categorised as authoritarian (with Syria, Libya and Saudi Arabia ranking among the 15 least democratic countries[1]), and the governments of five of them have been categorised as exceptionally corrupt (Morocco, Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Yemen appeared among the upper half in the ranking of Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index) [2]. Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, and Yemen allowed political parties to compete in elections. Tunisia excluded religiously-affiliated parties. Islamist parties were banned in Egypt, but the nominally illegal Muslim Brotherhood had fielded candidates as independents. Syria allowed only Ba'ath Party candidates Yemen allowed political parties but they were banned in Bahrain and Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Independent candidates were permitted in in Oman and the UAE. Saudi Arabia did not hold legislative elections

Economics

According to the staff of the International Monetary Fund many of the Arab economies were characterised by "stifling economic regulations, state involvement in production and employment, a private sector based on privilege rather than competitiveness, generalized price subsidies instead of targeted social protection, and an educational system that no longer delivers on the expectations of students or their potential employers". Unemployment rates were generally among the highest in the world and youth unemployment rates range from 21 percent in Lebanon to 30 percent in Tunisia[3]. At least 19% of the population lived below the poverty line at the end of the 1990s according to an estimate based upon data from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia and Yemen,.[4].
Oil production had accounted for more than 20 percent of 2004 GDP in Libya (63), Oman and Saudi Arabia (42), Algeria (38), Yemen (32), Bahrain (28) and Syria (21). In Egypt the percentage was 12 and in Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia it was less than 4. [5]. The oil-producing countries of Oman, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Libya had been among the world's more prosperous countries, but the prosperity of each of the others had been below, or well below the world average in terms of GDP per head, with Syria ranking 153rd out of a total of 228

Arab protest movements

(country links are to country-by-country accounts on the addendum subpage)

Following the successful uprising in Tunisia, there were mass protests of differing intensity in eleven other Arab countries. There were also wide differences in the responses to popular demands for change by the governments of those countries. The governments of Bahrain, Libya, Syria and Yemen responded with armed attacks on the demonstrators. The governments of Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Oman and Saudi Arabia offered changes of governance that have so far had little effect. The governments of Egypt and Tunisia yielded promptly to demands for regime change, and regime change was forced upon Libya by the military defeat of its incumbent regime. Democratic elections have been held in Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia, but it was only in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia that the elected assemblies were empowered to create new constitutions.

Political change

There was a modest move toward democracy during the first year of the Arab Spring (according to the Economist Intelligence Unit[2] and Freedom House[3]), with a major improvement in Tunisia, modest improvements in Libya and Egypt, setbacks in Syria and Bahrain, and little change elsewhere. Constitutional changes that are to be introduced in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt may result in further improvements. The establishment of democratic constitutions will depend upon the negotiation of compromises between the wishes of Islamists and secularists such as will gain the approval of voters in their respective countries. A central issue is likely to be the rôle of sharia in the countries' legal systems. Possibilities range from its use only for the purpose of voluntary mediation, to its adoption as an obligatory code of behaviour such as that imposed by the Taliban [6][7].

Reconstruction

Reconstruction is considered to be a matter of some urgency because of the danger of further uprisings if conditions do not improve. According to a May 2011 report by the staff of the International Monetary Fund,[3] a substantial increase in economic growth rates will be needed, to achieve which the oil-importing countries will need external finance of at least $160 billion. The report recommended international support in the form of market access, credit guarantees, debt relief, and concessional lending. Provision for such support by means of the Deauville Partnership has since been agreed by the Group of Eight major industrialised countries; and an Arab Financing Facility for Infrastructure (AFFI)[8] has been created to supply the necessary external finance.

The IMF expects the Middle East and North Africa region to grow by 4.2 per cent in 2012 and 3.7 per cent in 2013[9].

Non-Arab repercussions

Mali

The international response

The killing of civilians by Arab Spring governments drew strong protests by the United Nations and adverse reports by its agencies. The Security Council's authorisation of military intervention had a decisive influence on the civil war in Libya, but the United Nations had little influence on events elsewhere in the Arab world. Military intervention in Libya was undertaken by NATO with decisive participation by the United States, France and Britain. In what was termed a "new chapter in American diplomacy the United States undertook to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy. There was a similar undertaking by the European Union, although there were internal policy differences concerning military intervention in Libya. Opposition to military intervention was expressed by Russia and by China but both countries have given formal recognition to Libya's National Transitional Council. An undertaking to provide financial and technical support to Arab Spring transition programmes has been given by the governments of the Group of Eight major industrialised countries in the form of the Deauville Partnership.

References