Detainee Treatment Act: Difference between revisions

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==Appeals in Federal court==
==Appeals in Federal court==


On June 23, 2008, it was announced that a three judge Federal court of appeal had overturned the determination of [[Huzaifa Parhat]]'s Combatant Status Review Tribunal on Friday [[June 20]] [[2008]].<ref name=Wapo20080623>
On June 23, 2008, it was announced that a three judge Federal court of appeal had overturned the determination of [[Huzaifa Parhat]]'s Combatant Status Review Tribunal on Friday June 20 2008.<ref name=Wapo20080623>
{{cite news
{{cite news
| url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/06/23/AR2008062300844.html
| url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/06/23/AR2008062300844.html

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The Detainee Treatment Act of 2005 is an act passed by the United States Congress on December 31 2005, specifying explicit standards for the treatment of captives the United States apprehended during its War on Terror.[1]

Permitted interrogation techniques

United States Senator John McCain, who was tortured by when he was a prisoner of North Vietnam, is the sponsor most closely identified with the Act. He argued that the interrogation techniques used on American captives should be restricted to those techniques described in the United States Army's interrogation manual, FM2-22.3. See human-source intelligence. Vice President Dick Cheney argued that these restrictions should only apply to captives in military custody, and that the Central Intelligence Agency should still be allowed to employ "extended interrogation techniques".[2]

Cheney's comments are moot, since the Obama administration has rejected the argument that extended interrogation is permissible.

Detainees may not petition for habeas corpus

The Act stated detainees have no standing to file habeas corpus petitions.[3][4] In the event the Judicial Branch interpreted this as prohibiting Guantanamo captives from initiating new habeas corpus petitions, but allowing existing habeas corpus petitions to run their course.

In lieu of habeas corpus petitions, captives were allowed to submit requests to a Washington DC court of appeals. The appeals court had the option of reviewing the evidence the Combatant Status Review Tribunal used to confirm that the captive was an enemy combatant, if it thought the captive had a reasonable claim the Tribunal had not complied with the rules laid out for it.[3]

Certain prisons, who had been determined not to be enemy combatants by CSRTs, were left with no means of appeal, according to legal writer Jonathon Hafetz.[5]


The DTA and the Military Commissions Act of 2006

One of the habeas corpus petitions that continued to proceed after the passage of the DTA was Hamdan v. Rumsfeld,[6], which the United States Supreme Court ruled that the Executive Branch lacked the constitutional authority to authorize military commissions. It ruled that this authority lay with Congress.

Subsequently, in the fall of 2006, the United States Congress passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA). The MCA authorized Military Commissions very similar to those set up by the Presidency. It also specified that all the captive's outstanding habeas corpus petitions would be stayed.

Appeals in Federal court

On June 23, 2008, it was announced that a three judge Federal court of appeal had overturned the determination of Huzaifa Parhat's Combatant Status Review Tribunal on Friday June 20 2008.[7]

Parhat's was the first case to ruled on since the Supreme Court's ruling in Boumediene v. Bush. However, the appeals court's ruling was under the section of the Detainee Treatment Act that allowed captives to challenge their Combatant Status Review Tribunal's determination that they were "enemy combatants" -- not due to the Supreme Court's restoration of their right to mount habeas corpus petitions.

The Los Angeles Times quoted comments on the ruling from David Cole, the author of two books on military law:

Now all of these cases have been revived and this is the first case to move forward. And here is somebody that the military has been holding on to for six years and the federal court now says he shouldn't have been held in the first place. Absent this independent judicial review, he might have been sitting there for another 10 to 15 years. Now he has a chance to find freedom.[8]

References

  1. Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, The Jurist, December 31 2005. Retrieved on 2008-04-10.
  2. R. Jeffrey Smith, Josh White. Cheney Plan Exempts CIA From Bill Barring Abuse of Detainees, Washington Post, October 25 2005, p. A01. Retrieved on 2008-04-10.
  3. 3.0 3.1 William Glaberson. Officials Cite Danger in Revealing Detainee Data, 'New York Times', Wednesday, September 12 2007, p. A18. Retrieved on 2007-09-12.
  4. Dahlia Lithwick. The Dog Ate My Evidence: What happens when the government can't re-create the case against you?, Slate Magazine, Tuesday, October 16, 2007. Retrieved on 2008-03-01.
  5. Jonathan Hafetz. What the Detainee Treatment Act Really Means for Guantanamo Detainees, The Jurist, April 20, 2006. Retrieved on 2008-04-10.
  6. Marjorie Cohn. Why Boumediene Was Wrongly Decided, The Jurist, February 27, 2007. Retrieved on 2008-04-10.
  7. James Vicini. Appeals court rules for Guantanamo prisoner, Washington Post, 2008-06-23. Retrieved on 2008-06-23. mirror
  8. Josh Meyer. Court rules for Guantanamo inmate, Los Angeles Times, 2008-06-24. mirror