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Bancroft made himself the authority on the [[Oregon boundary dispute]], with the result that in 1846 he was sent as Minister Plenipotentiary to London, where he was friends with the historian [[Macaulay]] and the poet [[Hallam]]. With the election of Whig [[Zachary Taylor]] Bancroft returned to New York, withdrew from public life, and wrote his breat histories.  
Bancroft made himself the authority on the [[Oregon boundary dispute]], with the result that in 1846 he was sent as Minister Plenipotentiary to London, where he was friends with the historian [[Macaulay]] and the poet [[Hallam]]. With the election of Whig [[Zachary Taylor]] Bancroft returned to New York, withdrew from public life, and wrote his breat histories.  


In 1866, Bancroft was chosen by Congress to deliver the special eulogy on Lincoln. He was a backstage advisor to President [[Andrew Johnson]] and helped Johnson write major speeches. In 1867 Johnson appointed him minister to Prussia; he served in Berlin until 1874. In the San Juan arbitration he displayed great versatility and skill, winning his case before the emperor with brilliant ease. The naturalization treaties, named the "Bancroft treaties" in his honor, which he negotiated successively with [[Prussia]] and the other north German states were the first international recognition of the right of expatriation, a principle since incorporated in the law of nations.  Blumenthal (1964) explores his controversial role prior to and during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Having attended German universities in his youth and having become deeply convinced that there was a cultural and political kinship between Germans and Americans, he enjoyed the distinction of being the only member of the Diplomatic Corps in Berlin whom Bismarck ever invited to his Varzin retreat. Unqualifiedly supporting German unification, Bancroft believed that Bismarck could have accomplished that goal had he not been leader of the Conservative Party in Prussia. Prussia's cultivation of friendship with the United States, particularly during the 1860s, was related to its European policies - Bismarck was mainly interested in assurance of American neutrality in case of war with France.  Americans (including President Ulysses Grant) detested the French for their support of the Confederacy and takeover of Mexico, but the U.S. was officially neutral. "If we need the solid, trusty good-will of any government in Europe," Bancroft wrote Secretary of State Fish, "we can have it best with Germany; because German institutions and ours most nearly resemble each other, and because so many millions of Germans have become our countrymen."<ref> Allan Nevins, ''Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration,'' with an introduction by John Bassett Moore (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1936), 401</ref> Bancroft's Germanophilism led him to be the controversial position that German and American interests were the same, a belief not shared by policymakers in Washington. Although Bancroft tried to lead his government rather than merely to follow instructions, decisions regarding relations with both Germany and France were made by the Grant administration only after careful analysis of national interest of the United States. In his reports on the Vatican Council and the Kulturkampf (German's attacks on Catholics). Bancroft was strongly anti-Catholic in sentiment and revealed this bias in reports to the Department of State.<ref>Mary Philip Trauth, "The Bancroft Despatches on the Vatican Council and the Kulturkampf." ''Catholic Historical Review'' 1954 40(2): 178-190. ISSN: 0008-8080 </ref>  Despite shortcomings, Bancroft was one of the most resourceful of 19th-century diplomats.
In 1866, Bancroft was chosen by Congress to deliver the special eulogy on Lincoln. He was a backstage advisor to President [[Andrew Johnson]] and helped Johnson write major speeches. In 1867 Johnson appointed him minister to Prussia; he served in Berlin until 1874. In the San Juan arbitration he displayed great versatility and skill, winning his case before the emperor with brilliant ease. The naturalization treaties, named the "Bancroft treaties" in his honor, which he negotiated successively with [[Prussia]] and the other north German states were the first international recognition of the right of expatriation, a principle since incorporated in the law of nations.  Blumenthal (1964) explores his controversial role prior to and during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Having attended German universities in his youth and having become deeply convinced that there was a cultural and political kinship between Germans and Americans, he enjoyed the distinction of being the only member of the Diplomatic Corps in Berlin whom Bismarck ever invited to his Varzin retreat. Unqualifiedly supporting German unification, Bancroft believed that Bismarck could have accomplished that goal had he not been leader of the Conservative Party in Prussia. Prussia's cultivation of friendship with the United States, particularly during the 1860s, was related to its European policies - Bismarck was mainly interested in assurance of American neutrality in case of war with France.  Americans (including President Ulysses Grant) detested the French for their support of the Confederacy and takeover of Mexico, but the U.S. was officially neutral. "If we need the solid, trusty good-will of any government in Europe," Bancroft wrote Secretary of State Fish, "we can have it best with Germany; because German institutions and ours most nearly resemble each other, and because so many millions of Germans have become our countrymen."<ref> Allan Nevins, ''Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration,'' with an introduction by John Bassett Moore (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1936), 401</ref> Bancroft's Germanophilism led him to be the controversial position that German and American interests were the same, a belief not shared by policymakers in Washington. Although Bancroft tried to lead his government rather than merely to follow instructions, decisions regarding relations with both Germany and France were made by the Grant administration only after careful analysis of national interest of the United States. In his reports on the Vatican Council and the Kulturkampf (German's attacks on Catholics). Bancroft was strongly anti-Catholic in sentiment and revealed this bias in reports to the Department of State.<ref>Sister Mary Philip Trauth, "The Bancroft Despatches on the Vatican Council and the ''Kulturkampf.''" ''Catholic Historical Review'' 40, no. 2 (July 1954):178-90. ISSN: 0008-8080</ref>  Despite shortcomings, Bancroft was one of the most resourceful of 19th-century diplomats.


After 1874 he lived in Washington.  
After 1874 he lived in Washington.  

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George Bancroft (October 3, 1800 – January 17, 1891) was an American historian and diplomat. As Secretary of the Navy, he established the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis]] in [[1845. He is most famous for his monumental history of the United States, based on original research in primary sources, covering ther entire period down to 1787. History of the United States, from the Discovery of the American Continent is available in many editions.

Early life and education

His family had lived in Massachusetts since 1632; his father, Aaron Bancroft, was distinguished as a revolutionary soldier, a leading Unitarian clergyman[1] and author of a popular life of George Washington. Bancroft began his education at Phillips Exeter Academy and graduated Harvard College in 1817. He studied at Heidelberg, Göttingen and Berlin. Bancroft concluded his years of preparation by a European tour, in the course of which he sought out almost every distinguished man in the world of letters, science and art; among others Goethe, Humboldt, Schleiermacher, Hegel, Lord Byron, Barthold Georg Niebuhr, and others. He was most influenced by Hegel's philosophy of history.

Career in education and literature

His first position was that of tutor at Harvard. Instinctively a humanist, Bancroft had little patience with the narrow curriculum of Harvard in his day and the rather pedantic spirit with which classical studies were pursued there. Moreover, he had brought from Europe a new manner, imbued with ardent Romanticism and this he wore without ease in the formal, self-satisfied and prim provincial society of New England; the young man's European air was subjected to ridicule, but his politics were sympathetic to Jacksonian democracy.

In spite of the exacting and severe routine of the Round Hill School, Bancroft contributed frequently to the North American Review and to Walsh's American Quarterly; he also made a translation of Heeren's work on The Politics of Ancient Greece. In 1834 appeared the first volume of the History of the United States, which would appear over the next four decades (1834-74) and established his reputation. The work covers the period from the discovery of the continent to the conclusion of the Revolutionary War in 1782. His other great work is the followup The History of the Formation of the Constitution of the United States (1882). His writing is clear and vigorous, and his facts based on careful use of primary sources from archives in Europe. His history was the story of unfolding nationalist, democratic liberalism. Historians around 1900-1930 concluded that he exaggerated the centrality of democracy in the colonies; historians in the 1950s changed again and concluded that Bancroft was mostly right about early democracy.[2]

Bancroft was the central intellectual in the "Young America" movement of the 1840's. Bancroft read into events his view of American history as the progressive realization of democratic nationalism. Thus in dealing with 17th century Puritans he was troubled by political oppression, corruption, and restrictions of freedom, as typified by the witchcraft trials in Salem. After 1890 the history profession turned to narrow scientific monographs, and either neglected Bancroft sweeping coverage or ridiculed his occasional references to God's benevolence.[3]

Bancroft found the Whiggish atmosphere of Cambridge uncongenial too conservative, and with a friend he established the Round Hill School at Northampton, Massachusetts. This was the first serious effort made in the United States to elevate secondary education to the plane on which it belonged.


His married Sarah Dwight, of a wealthy family in Springfield, Massachusetts; she died in 1837 His second wife was Mrs Elizabeth Davis Bliss, a widow with two children to add to his two sons; she bore him a daughter.

Career in politics

His entry into politics came in 1837 with his appointment by Martin Van Buren as Collector of Customs of the Port of Boston. In 1844, he helped engineer the nomination of James K. Polk and was himself the Democratic candidate for the governor, but he was defeated. In 1845, Polk appointed him to the cabinet Secretary of the Navy, serving until 1846, when for a month he was acting Secretary of War. During this short period in the cabinet he established the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, gave the orders which led to the naval occupation of California, and sent Zachary Taylor into the contested land between Texas and Mexico. He strongly supported the annexation of Texas, as extending "the area of freedom," and was a leader of the anti-slavery or Free Soil wing of the though a Democratic party.

Bancroft made himself the authority on the Oregon boundary dispute, with the result that in 1846 he was sent as Minister Plenipotentiary to London, where he was friends with the historian Macaulay and the poet Hallam. With the election of Whig Zachary Taylor Bancroft returned to New York, withdrew from public life, and wrote his breat histories.

In 1866, Bancroft was chosen by Congress to deliver the special eulogy on Lincoln. He was a backstage advisor to President Andrew Johnson and helped Johnson write major speeches. In 1867 Johnson appointed him minister to Prussia; he served in Berlin until 1874. In the San Juan arbitration he displayed great versatility and skill, winning his case before the emperor with brilliant ease. The naturalization treaties, named the "Bancroft treaties" in his honor, which he negotiated successively with Prussia and the other north German states were the first international recognition of the right of expatriation, a principle since incorporated in the law of nations. Blumenthal (1964) explores his controversial role prior to and during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Having attended German universities in his youth and having become deeply convinced that there was a cultural and political kinship between Germans and Americans, he enjoyed the distinction of being the only member of the Diplomatic Corps in Berlin whom Bismarck ever invited to his Varzin retreat. Unqualifiedly supporting German unification, Bancroft believed that Bismarck could have accomplished that goal had he not been leader of the Conservative Party in Prussia. Prussia's cultivation of friendship with the United States, particularly during the 1860s, was related to its European policies - Bismarck was mainly interested in assurance of American neutrality in case of war with France. Americans (including President Ulysses Grant) detested the French for their support of the Confederacy and takeover of Mexico, but the U.S. was officially neutral. "If we need the solid, trusty good-will of any government in Europe," Bancroft wrote Secretary of State Fish, "we can have it best with Germany; because German institutions and ours most nearly resemble each other, and because so many millions of Germans have become our countrymen."[4] Bancroft's Germanophilism led him to be the controversial position that German and American interests were the same, a belief not shared by policymakers in Washington. Although Bancroft tried to lead his government rather than merely to follow instructions, decisions regarding relations with both Germany and France were made by the Grant administration only after careful analysis of national interest of the United States. In his reports on the Vatican Council and the Kulturkampf (German's attacks on Catholics). Bancroft was strongly anti-Catholic in sentiment and revealed this bias in reports to the Department of State.[5] Despite shortcomings, Bancroft was one of the most resourceful of 19th-century diplomats.

After 1874 he lived in Washington. Several ships have been named USS Bancroft for him. Bancroft was the last surviving member of the Polk cabinet.

Notes

  1. He served as president of the American Unitarian Association from 1825 to 1836.
  2. Roy N. Lokken, "The Concept of Democracy in Colonial Political Thought," William and Mary Quarterly 16, no. 4 (Oct. 1959):568-580. ISSN: 0043-5597 Fulltext: in Jstor
  3. For example, the revolt of the colonies from England was the result of an "alliance of God and nature." And "heaven and earth" together aided the resolution of the Americans to be free. See Lewis, "Organic Metaphor", and Vitzthum, "Theme and Method".
  4. Allan Nevins, Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration, with an introduction by John Bassett Moore (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1936), 401
  5. Sister Mary Philip Trauth, "The Bancroft Despatches on the Vatican Council and the Kulturkampf." Catholic Historical Review 40, no. 2 (July 1954):178-90. ISSN: 0008-8080

Bibliography

Published Works (chronological selection of Bancroft's most important writings)

  • Bancroft, George. Poems. Cambridge, Mass.: Hilliard and Metcalf, 1823.
  • Bancroft, George. An Oration Delivered on the Fourth of July, 1826, at Northampton, Mass. Northampton, Mass.: T. Watson Shepard, 1826.
  • [Bancroft, George.] "Harvard University." North American Review 33, no. 72 (July 1831):216-26.
  • Bancroft, George. History of the United States, from the Discovery of the American Continent. 10 vols. Boston: Little, Brown, and company, 1834-74. (Numerous editions. The first volume was published with the title A History of the United States, from the Discovery of the American Continent to the Present Time by Charles Bowen in Boston, 1834).
  • Bancroft, George. An Oration Delivered Before the Democracy of Springfield and Neighboring Towns, July 4, 1836. Springfield, Mass.: George and Charles Merriam, 1836.
  • Bancroft, George. Address at Hartford, Before the Delegates to the Democratic Convention of the Young Men of Connecticut, on the Evening of February 18, 1840. Hartford: [n.p.] 1840.
  • Bancroft, George. The Necessity, the Reality, and the Promise of the Progress of the Human Race: Oration Delivered Before the New York Historical Society, November 20, 1854. New York: New York Historical Society, 1854. (Also in Bancroft's Literary and Historical Miscellanies.)
  • Bancroft, George. Literary and Historical Miscellanies. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1855.
  • Bancroft, George. "The Place of Abraham Lincoln in History." Atlantic Monthly 15, no. 92 (June 1865):757-64.
  • Bancroft, George. Memorial Address on the Life and Character of Abraham Lincoln, Delivered, at the Request of Both Houses of the Congress of America, Before Them, in the House of Representatives at Washington, on the 12th of February, 1866. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866. (With an appendix on pages 55-69 on the history of Bancroft's oration and additional correspondence on pages 73-80.)
  • Bancroft, George. History of the United States of America, from the Discovery of the Continent. Centenary edition. Thoroughly revised. 6 vols. Boston: Little, Brown, 1876.
  • Bancroft, George. History of the Formation of the Constitution of the United States of America. 2 vols. New York: D. Appleton, 1882. (The fifth edition appeared 1885. Bancroft incorporated this last great work in the following:)
  • Bancroft, George. History of the United States of America, from the Discovery of the Continent. The Author's Last Revision. 6 vols. New York: D. Appleton, 1883-1885. (So, Bancroft condensed his History over the years.)
  • Bancroft, George. "Holmes's Life of Emerson." North American Review 140, no. 339 (Feb. 1885):129-43. (A review of one of the most important early biographies of Ralph Waldo Emerson, remarkable not just because of Bancroft's friendship with Emerson, but also because of Bancroft's changed style.)
  • Bancroft, George. "An Incident in the Life of John Adams." Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine 34, new series, 12, no. 3 (July 1887):434-40. (Recounts Bancroft's visit of John Adams in Quincy.)
  • Bancroft, George. "Self-Government: Address of Welcome to the American Historical Association." [Delivered on April 27, 1886] Papers of the American Historical Association 2 (1888):7-13.
  • Bancroft, George. Martin Van Buren to the End of His Public Career. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1889. (A belated campaign biography, so to speak.)

Selections of his letters

  • Howe, Mark Anthony DeWolfe. The Life and Letters of George Bancroft. 2 vols. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908. (A typical 'Life and Letter'-biography of the time; in a way, still the best biography of Bancroft.) Fulltext of volume one in questia See also amazon.com
  • "Martin Van Buren – George Bancroft Correspondence, 1830-1845." Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 42 (Oct. 1908-June 1909):381-443.
  • "Correspondence of George Bancroft and Jared Sparks, 1823-1832: Illustrating the Relation Between Editor and Reviewer in the Early Nineteenth Century." Ed. by John Spencer Bassett. Smith College Studies in History 2, no. 2 (Jan. 1917):67-143.

Biographies and other secondary sources

  • Blumenthal, Henry. "George Bancroft in Berlin: 1867-1874." New England Quarterly 37, no. 2 (June 1964):224-41. ISSN: 0028-4866 Fulltext in Jstor
  • Canary, Robert H. George Bancroft. New York: Twayne, 1974. (A short and reliable biography with many quotations from Bancroft's unpublished letters.)
  • Ernest, John Richard. "The Language of Truth: Narrative Strategies in the Histories of William H. Prescott, George Bancroft, and Henry Adams." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1989. DAI 1990 50(10): 3227-A. DA9008176
  • Handlin, Lilian. George Bancroft: The Intellectual as Democrat. New York: Harper and Row, 1984.
  • Lewis, Merrill. "Organic Metaphor and Edenic Myth in George Bancroft's History of the United States." Journal of the History of Ideas 26, no. 4 (Oct. 1965):587-92. ISSN: 0022-5037. Fulltext in Jstor
  • Nye, Russel B. George Bancroft: Brahmin Rebel. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1944). (Nye's book won the Pulitzer Prize in the category 'Biography'; the standard biography, though without any notes.)
  • Ross, Dorothy. "Historical Consciousness in Nineteenth-Century America." American Historical Review 89, no. 4 (Oct. 1984):909-28. ISSN: 0002-8762. Fulltext in Jstor
  • Vitzthum, Richard C. "Theme and Method in Bancroft's History of the United States." New England Quarterly 41, no. 3 (Sept. 1968):362-380. ISSN: 0028-4866. Fulltext in Jstor
  • Vitzthum, Richard C. The American Compromise: Theme and Method in the Histories of Bancroft, Parkman, and Adams. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974.
  • Wish, Harvey. The American Historian: A Social-Intellectual History of the Writing of the American Past. New York: Oxford University Press, 1960. (Chapter 5 on Bancroft.) Fulltext in questia
  • Guide to the George Bancroft Papers Cornell University Library